The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 had far-reaching effects in many fields, not least the international social democratic movement. Even the Dutch PvdA (Partij van de Arbeid: Labour Party) came to face new issues.

Like other political parties throughout Western Europe, the PvdA received countless requests for assistance from both real and putative 'sister' parties in Eastern Europe. In the former communist countries, new political parties were being founded almost daily. They included all the familiar political leanings and nuances. In the social democratic quarter, several political formations emerged as the established parties which had been in existence before the rise of communism re-formed. Various social democratic parties 'in exile' were able to return, some choosing to enter into alliances with the re-formed parties, others deciding to maintain their independence. Many of the communist parties shifted their stance to become socialist or even social democratic parties, while brand new social democratic parties were also formed. No matter what their origins, all these parties sought contact with their Western European counterparts.

There were various motives for these advances: in the case of the new and the re-formed parties it was to request assistance. After all, the members of these parties had been excluded from the political life of their respective countries for over forty years. They now had to build up a party 'from scratch', while organizing an immediate election campaign at the same time. The necessary knowledge and resources were conspicuous by their absence. By contrast, the reformed communists did have knowledge and resources. Their organizations remained more or less intact. They had accommodation and funds, and enjoyed what amounted to a monopoly in terms of political control and direction. Moreover, it would later prove that they had managed to maintain considerable support among the population. Nevertheless, these former communist parties also called upon us for assistance. A relationship with the Western European social democratic movement would be seen as recognition of their 'reformation', in both senses of the word. It would also be seen as a first step towards formal recognition as a social democratic party by means of membership of the Socialist International (SI). This was important, in that it could be used to gain a competitive advantage over other parties - including social democratic parties. A relationship with Western European social democracy therefore entailed more than assistance or recognition: it was a political asset.

Given the large number of requests for assistance received, the PvdA had to choose which parties it was able and willing to help. In the first instance, these were the newly established and re-established social democratic parties. In the eyes of the PvdA, the communists were in absolute discredit, no matter how 'reformed' they claimed to be. Rather than become involved with those previously in power, we preferred to support the 'platform movements' active in many countries. These platforms were collections of groups and individuals formerly considered 'dissident'. They included social democrats, though often in a marginal role. The nature of our relationship was thus largely predetermined: our prime duty was to answer calls for practical assistance rather than those for political contact.

Fortunately, the Dutch government enabled the country's political parties to offer help to their counterparts elsewhere by means of subsidies for political training and education. The government considered it a national duty to help in the development of democracy in Central and Eastern Europe. Clearly, this would require the development of democratic political parties in the relevant countries. While the Dutch government could not and would not provide direct support to political parties in other countries, it allowed the Dutch parties to offer assistance to their international counterparts.

In fact, the PvdA had set up an Eastern European institute even before the fall of the Berlin Wall: the Alfred Mozer Foundation. This undertakes training activities in Eastern Europe on behalf of the PvdA and has now been active in this field for over ten years.

There have been many changes in Eastern Europe and these have been reflected in the manner in which the Alfred Mozer Foundation works. The Foundation now has permanent partners in many countries whereby it no longer has to operate on the basis of 'trial and error'. The partners include several 'reformed' communist parties, such as the Socialist Party of Hungary. These parties have now shown themselves to have truly reformed and that they can count on the ongoing support of a large proportion of the electorate under a system of full democracy and freedom of choice.

The Alfred Mozer Foundation has now shifted its focus slightly, concentrating less on Central Europe and rather more on Eastern and South-Eastern European. The Foundation's work is intended to help in developing stable democracy. In the case of the so-called 'pre-accession' countries, i.e. those wishing to join the European Union shortly, it is no longer enough to state that democracy has yet to establish itself and that they 'will get around to it'. A fully democratic political system is one of the main preconditions for EU membership.